But Putin’s wider war against Ukraine that began in February was his proving ground. The doctrine, also known as ROC, provides an innovative and unconventional approach to warfare and total defense that has guided not only Ukraine’s military, but also the country’s civilian population as part of a coordinated resistance against the Russian military. “It’s all hands on deck in terms of comprehensive defense for the government of Ukraine,” said retired Lt. Gen. Mark Schwartz, who commanded Special Operations Command Europe during the doctrine’s development. “They are using every resource and also using some highly unconventional means to disrupt the military of the Russian Federation.”
Planning national resistance
Outnumbered, outgunned and outmanned, Ukraine, however, fought back against a Russian army it believed would sweep through the vast majority of the country within weeks, if not days. “This is a way to turn things around in a first world power,” Schwartz said. “It’s just incredible to see that despite the incredible loss of life and sacrifice, what the will to resist and the determination to resist can do.” In a series of recent attacks and explosions on Russian positions in Crimea, Kevin D. Stringer, a retired Army colonel who led the development team for the resistance idea, sees signs of its use. “Since you can’t do it conventionally, you would use special operations forces and those [forces] would need resistance support — intelligence, resources, logistics — to gain access to these areas.’ A Ukrainian government report shared with CNN acknowledged that Ukraine was behind the attacks on Russian bases and an ammunition depot. The attacks, well behind enemy lines, were beyond the range of weapons the US and others have publicly sent to Ukraine, and videos of the explosions did not appear to show any incoming missiles or drones. Russia blamed sabotage or munitions for the blasts. “High probability he will say it is very plausible [the ROC] The principles apply in real warfare right now,” Stringer said. In early April, General Richard Clarke, commander of the US Special Operations Command, told a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing that the US had helped train rebel companies in Ukraine embedded with special forces over the past 18 months. When asked if he saw any of the success of this training in the current conflict, Clarke was direct in his response. “Yes, Senator, we are.”
Resistance in Ukraine
Early in the conflict, the Ukrainian government created a website explaining different modes of resistance. The site describes ways to use non-violent action, including boycotting public events, strikes, and even how to use humor and satire. The goal is to disrupt the pro-Russian authorities’ ability to govern while reminding the population of Ukraine’s legitimate sovereignty. The resistance doctrine also advocates violent actions, including using Molotov cocktails, deliberately starting fires, and placing chemicals in gas tanks to sabotage enemy vehicles. The doctrine also calls for a broad messaging campaign to control the narrative of the conflict, prevent a conqueror’s message, and keep the population united. Videos of Ukrainian strikes against Russian tanks, often to a pop music or heavy metal soundtrack, have gone viral, as have videos of Ukrainian soldiers rescuing stray animals. Whether intentionally or not, it becomes part of the resistance, allowing Ukraine to frame Western media headlines in their favor and often humanizing Ukrainian members in ways that the Russian military has failed miserably. At the forefront of the resistance is Ukrainian President Volodomyr Zelensky, who has kept the conflict out of his sight with nightly speeches and frequent international appearances. His visits near the frontline make news around the world, while Russian President Vladimir Putin is rarely seen outside the Kremlin or the resort of Sochi. The ongoing barrage of messaging has generated a groundswell of overseas support and has successfully pushed Western governments to supply more arms and ammunition to Ukraine.
Durability and Resistance
Overall, the concept of resistance provides a framework for increasing a country’s resilience, which is its ability to withstand external pressures, and planning for resistance, defined as a country-wide effort to restore sovereignty over occupied territories. . “Resilience is the strength of society in peacetime that becomes resistance in time of war against the aggressor,” explained Dalia Bankauskaite, a fellow at the Center for European Policy Analysis who has studied resistance planning in Lithuania. Rather than providing each country with the same set of plans, the doctrine is designed to be tailored to each country’s population, capabilities, and terrain. It is not intended to create or support a rebellion. its objective is to create a government-sanctioned force to conduct activities against a foreign occupier with the goal of restoring sovereignty. At first, only Estonia, Lithuania and Poland expressed real enthusiasm for the new doctrine. But after Russia’s near-bloodless seizure and annexation of Crimea stunned Ukraine and the West in 2014, interest in the resistance method grew rapidly. Since its inception, at least 15 countries have taken part in some form of training on this resistance doctrine, according to Nicole Kirschmann, a spokeswoman for Special Operations Command in Europe, where it was developed. In mid-November, as the Biden administration issued its first public warnings about a possible Russian invasion of Ukraine, Hungary hosted a conference on the operational concept of resistance. The commander of Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces was at the conference, Kirschmann told CNN, as well as nearly a dozen other countries. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has increased interest in the idea. “The Baltic states, in particular, are actively talking in their parliaments about implementing the ROC at the national level,” according to a US official.
Resistance in the Baltic
In May, nearly three months after Russia invaded Ukraine, Lithuania’s parliament adopted a new strategy for political resistance that is much broader than strictly anti-occupation resistance. Martynas Bendikas, a spokesman for the country’s Ministry of National Defense, said preparing for resistance includes developing the will to defend the country, improving citizens’ military and non-military knowledge and skills, and more as part of a national defense. The existence of the deterrence doctrine and parts of the planning around the deterrence are intentionally public, Stringer explained, in order to act as a deterrent against a possible attack, one aimed at Russia’s preferred hybrid warfare instead of traditional military and nuclear. prevention. But details of plans and organization within a country are closely guarded. For Estonia, a country of about 1.3 million people bordering northwestern Russia, political resistance has always been part of the defense plan. “There is no other option for every Estonian,” said Rene Tomse, a spokesman for the voluntary Estonian defense association. “Either you fight for independence if someone attacks you – if Russia attacks you – or you just die.” Estonia regularly updates and develops its defense plans, integrating its standing army with its general population and volunteer forces, for which Toomse said applications have increased since the beginning of Russia’s invasion. Estonian officials have studied the war in Ukraine to learn lessons about what worked well against Russia and where Ukrainian resistance could be improved. Toomse says that Estonians remember Soviet rule well, and those too young to remember are taught in school. Ukraine has excelled at winning the information campaign, Toomse points out, using media posts on multiple platforms, a president who has become a vocal international figure and a steady stream of information about how well Ukrainian forces are fighting, “still and if without emphasizing their own losses”. But Toomse insists that Estonia, if faced with an invasion, would be more active in any occupied territory, using small, well-armed and well-trained units. “I imagine we can do a lot more damage behind enemy lines than Ukraine has,” Toomse said. “All logistics, all convoys, will be constantly attacked.”
